Consumer Decision Making Process Arabella Case Study

Question: Talk about the Consumer Decision Making Process for Arabella Case Study. Answer: Customer dynamic procedure Mehta and Dixit (2006, p. 205), portrayed the shopper dynamic procedure in five principle stages. So also, these stages apply to Arabellas case. These are: Distinguishing the issue: Arabella confronted the test of having a PC which would assist her with getting to the web and work from home helpfully as opposed to making a trip to the University grounds on ends of the week and around evening time. Acquiring significant data: Arabella had the option to get data about PCs from her companions, Emma, Sarah, and Cordelia. More data was gotten from Norman Computer Superstore and the notices from the leaflets. Assessing options: Based on the data accomplished, Arabella needed to assess the best personal computer. She assessed Dense, Hal, IQ Marquee and Glade brands. Assessment includes making inferences from an investigation or examination. (Hansel and Hofmann, 2016, p. 9). At long last, she needed to settle on a decision among IQ and Hal. Buying: After thinking about the past stages, Arabella was spurred and chosen to purchase the IQ Marquee PC for it had the very particulars she was after. It had great designs, higher RAM and quicker processor which could perform various tasks. Post-buy Behavior: It is trying the viability of the item by the purchaser. For this situation, purchasing an IQ PC made frustration Arabella for it couldn't associate with the Oz Email Server because of modem glitch. 2. Level of association It alludes to the level of preparing data and considering the significance the customer will get subsequent to purchasing a specific item. (Thukral and Mindak, 2015, p. 72). As a customer, I would not have carried on like Arabella. In view of the data from her companions, they clarified their encounters for the PCs, however none of them had utilized IQ Marquee PC. Cordelia had affirmed and applauded that Hal functioned admirably for her. I could have bought Hal rather than IQ PC. 3. Responding to broken buy. I would think about the assurance and warrant of the IQ PC. I could take it back quickly to the vender for a discount, fix or supplant it with Hal. The client consistently has the privilege to dismiss flawed merchandise (May, Monga, and Kalaignanam, 2015, p. 260). Notwithstanding, if the item doesn't have any warrant, I could consider the Consumer Rights Act and guarantee for the discount or fix of the flawed IQ PC. On the off chance that the expense of the blemished item is lower, I will consider its fix cost. In the event that the absolute expense is higher than the first purchasing value, I will dismiss the item. On the other hand, if the all out is lower or equivalent to purchasing value, I would buy the item and take it to be fixed. 4.Manager of IQ client care I would arrange the staff to examine the item first and check whether the issue is identified with the maker or the purchaser, Arabella, genuinely meddled with it. On the off chance that it were the makers shortcoming, I would request that the staff demand Arabella whether she might want the IQ Marquee fixed or supplanted. I would not empower discount, yet different options would be better. 5.Effective grumbling dealing with method As per Chalmers (2016, p. 572), this system is separated into three procedures. These procedure include: Cutting edge goals: This arrangements with grumblings which are simple and clear. They can be settled by rapidly and don't require a lot of detail. Examination grumblings: It is applied to the complaints which are past cutting edge goals. As a rule, they are supposed to be unpredictable and are taken care of by the senior administration. Free outer audit: The cases which emerge from the specialist co-ops are handled in this stage. These are grievances which are outside administration ability to control. They start from producers and specialist organizations issue. 6.Options for shopper reactions Marked down costs and limits: Prices can be limited and limits gave to allure clients. This demonstration should be possible on vacations and ends of the week. Shoppers will be increasingly fulfilled in the event that they buy products at lower costs. Quality: Better degree of greatness of an item will give more fulfillment. For instance, fast PCs will make work simpler and helpful to the purchaser. After-deal administrations: May remembers pressing products for containers or shipping merchandise to purchasers vehicle. References Mehta, R., and Dixit, G., 2016. Purchaser dynamic styles in created and creating markets: A crosscountry examination. Diary of Retailing and Consumer Services, 33, pp.202 208. Hnsel, M. also, Hofmann, E., 2016. Assessment of business administrations from a purchasers point of view: The spot of utilization as an unmistakable component. Thukral, V.K. what's more, Mindak, W.A., 2015. Item Involvement as a Determinant of Consumer Satisfaction. In Proceedings of the 1984 Academy of Marketing Science (AMS) Annual Conference (pp. 72-76). Springer International Publishing. May, F., Monga, A.B. what's more, Kalaignanam, K., 2015. Customer Responses to Brand Failures: The Neglected Role of Honor Values. Brand Meaning Management, 12, p.257 - 291. Chalmers, S., 2016. Moral reasonableness in money related administrations objection is dealing with. Worldwide Journal of Bank Marketing, 34(4), pp.570-586.

A Time Of Change Essays - Epistemologists, Continental Philosophers

A Time Of Change Essays - Epistemologists, Continental Philosophers A Time of Change The edification was an extraordinary time of progress in both Europe and America. Probably the greatest changes, in any case, occurred in the brains of numerous and in the works of numerous logicians. These incorporated a portion of the convictions of David Hume, Jean Jacques Rousseau, Immanuel Kant, and Francois Voltaire. Authors during this time concentrated on hopefulness, which is the sentiment to thoroughly take care of the best (Chaney 119), and the best for these logicians was to extend the brains of the standard. David Hume was Scottish and was conceived on April 26, 1711 and kicked the bucket in 1776. He expresses that he was not naturally introduced to a rich family and was naturally introduced to the Calvinist Presbyterian Church. In any case, subsequent to being impacted by crafted by Isaac Newton and John Locke he started to move once more from the Church. He writes in Enquiry, The possibility of God, as importance an interminably astute, savvy and great Being, emerges from considering the tasks of our own psyche, and expanding, unbounded, those characteristics of goodness and intelligence. (Pomerleau 214) The inquiries he raised against religion were that solid encounters must lead us and that we should consider the nature of the tales that were passed on to us. He needed everybody to just accept the activities that one encountered, there must be evidence. He additionally accepted that there were four fundamental issues to the tales that we hear. Above all else, the realities to the tal es are never the equivalent to everybody. Second, we exaggerate to make everything intriguing. Third, individuals who don't comprehend these accounts will in general make things up. At long last, not the entirety of the religions concur. In this manner, the tales clashed each other leaving an individual to not comprehend what to accept. He accepts that Our most sacred religion is established on Faith, not on reason; and it is a certain technique for presenting it to put it to such a preliminary all things considered, in no way, shape or form, fitted to persevere. (215) Hume likewise trusted in the implicit understanding. This is rulers are in power on account of karma and residents ought to have authority over their own capacity. During Hume's lifetime an agent government was not something that nations flourished with. He likewise imagined that the obligations of men were to cherish youngsters and to feel sorry for those that are less blessed. He additionally believed that one should regard other's properties and stay faithful to our commitments. Hume contended that we are naturally introduced to our family with the information gave to us, starting here Hume says that administration is just an impedance in the lives of individuals. He utilizes the case of American Tribes where nobody needs a legislature to keep harmony inside the gathering (Pomerleau 222). These are the two primary concerns that Hume attempted to make. They are the premise of what got individuals to think about their lives and conclude that what they have now probably won't be the best thing that their life can achieve. From his perspectives, we can proceed onward to another compelling savant, Jean Jacques Rousseau. Jean Jacques Rousseau was conceived in Geneva in 1712. His first years in quite a while life were exceptionally hard in light of the fact that his mom passed on not long after birth and he was sent to live with his auntie. Be that as it may, his life pivoted and he wedded and started his life as a scholar. Rousseau was associated with the implicit agreement like Hume. His book, in any case, didn't get well known until after the French Revolution in light of the fact that these were the conditions that the transformation depended on (Chambers 669). His optimal government would contain a little state, anticipation of overwhelming organizations, and uniformity in rank and fortune (Castell 419). He doubted the privileged people since he accepted they were drawing ceaselessly from conventions that were once held high (The Enlightenment, http). To him rulers are simply worried about themselves and when one bites the dust, another is required. None of these individuals ever take in to thoug ht the less lucky. Everybody needs to move to the convictions of one man. Rousseau felt that the administration ought to be in the hands of many, not only one. In a perfect world, everybody in a general public

OCD and Substance Use Disorders

OCD and Substance Use Disorders OCD Living With OCD Print OCD and Substance Use Disorders Substance Use Is an Unhealthy Coping Mechanism for OCD Symptoms By Owen Kelly, PhD Medically reviewed by Medically reviewed by Steven Gans, MD on August 05, 2016 Steven Gans, MD is board-certified in psychiatry and is an active supervisor, teacher, and mentor at Massachusetts General Hospital. Learn about our Medical Review Board Steven Gans, MD Updated on January 27, 2020 Sebastian Leesch / EyeEm / Getty Images More in OCD Living With OCD Causes Symptoms and Diagnosis Treatment Types Related Conditions Because substances like alcohol and drugs are often used to try to suppress thoughts and feelings, people affected by obsessive-compulsive disorder  (OCD) are at greater risk for developing substance use disorders. Although alcohol and drug use may initially mask OCD symptoms, in the long run using substances can make symptoms worse, interfere with treatment and disrupt supportive relationships.   What Is a Substance Use Disorder? Before examining the relationship between OCD and substance use disorders, we first need to outline what a substance use disorder is. There are two main kinds of substance use disorders: substance dependence and substance abuse. Substance Dependence To be diagnosed with substance dependence, you must have three or more of the following symptoms at any time within the same year: Greatly increased tolerance, meaning that you need more and more of the substance to get the desired effect.Psychological (e.g., anxiety, depression) and/or physical withdrawal symptoms (e.g., shakes, nausea) when you stop using the substance.Use of larger amounts of the substance than was intended or use of the substance over a longer period of time than planned.A strong desire, but lack of ability, to quit the substance or many unsuccessful efforts to stop using the substance.A great deal of time spent obtaining the substance, using the substance or recovering from its effects.Giving up important social, occupational or recreational activities to use the substance.Continued use of the substance despite psychological or physiological problems caused by it. Substance Abuse To be diagnosed with substance abuse, you must demonstrate one or more of the following symptoms within the same year: Recurrent substance use that leads to failure to fulfill obligations at work, school or at home.Repeatedly using a substance in situations in potentially dangerous situations, such as driving a car or operating a machine.Recurrent problems with the law because of substance use.Continued use of the substance despite interpersonal problems caused by the substance. OCD and Substance Use Disorders It has been estimated that nearly 30% of people with OCD have had a substance use disorder at some point in their lives. This is nearly double the rate of the general population.  Although the rate of substance use disorders is high among people with OCD, it is lower than those of many other forms of mental illness including bipolar disorder or schizophrenia. Even though the OCD symptoms of people who develop substance use disorders are similar to those with OCD who do not, research has demonstrated that those who develop substance use disorders are often less educated, often have other forms of mental illness in addition to OCD, and had OCD symptoms that began at an early age. Indeed, most people report that their OCD symptoms started well before they developed a substance use disorder. Its important to note that people with OCD who develop substance use disorders are at a greater risk for suicide and hospitalization. Substance Use Disorders and the Treatment of OCD Symptoms Many people with OCD begin to use substances as a form of self-medication either to directly reduce the severity of their obsessions or compulsions or to decrease the distress associated with the consequences of living with OCD, including problems in relationships or difficulties at work. In effect, substance use can be thought of as a coping strategy. However, substance use is a particularly poor coping strategy if it allows you to avoid dealing with the actual source of your distress. So, while using substances may make you feel better temporarily, your OCD symptoms will continue to get worse and your relationships will continue to deteriorate. This, in turn, may cause  more substance use, which only helps you avoid the problem even more. In addition, by masking your anxiety, substances can interfere with the exposure exercises that are essential to many psychological treatments for OCD. If you have a substance use disorder, your treatment needs to focus on substituting substance use with more adaptive coping strategies. These include strategies to help you gain more comfortable dealing directly with symptoms and their associated difficulties. While this can initially generate even higher levels of anxiety, the long-term payoff is developing better tools for dealing with OCD symptoms.

The Impact Of Islamic Radicalism On The Middle East

One of the most pressing issues in modern geopolitics is the rise of a radical and violent terrorist sect in the Middle East. Most prominently associated with Al Qaeda during the early half of the 21st century and as of 2015 it’s even more extreme splinter group The Islamic State of Iraq and Syria. While many in the West are shocked by the violent motivations and anti-Western philosophy of these movements the truth is that Islamic Radicalism has roots that stretch far back through the fog of history to the fall of the Ottoman Empire and the rise of European economic, social, and military might in the region. With the partitioning of the old Ottoman territories after World War I and subsequent occupation by Western European colonial powers, the historical strategy of colonization came into play; place a foreign-backed minority-led government into power to serve as a puppet regime acting for the benefit of the controlling foreign interest. This socially unsustainable colonial st rategy placed the majority of many countries, including Egypt and Syria, into conflict with the empowered minority. Other more homogeneous countries, such as Iraq and Iran, discontent to live under the oppressive de-facto rule of a foreign power, grew embittered towards their colonial patrons and puppet dictatorships and turned towards the perceived purity and social benefits of embracing political movements based in Islam and Pan-Arabism. Prior to the First World War the Ottoman Empire, sitting atShow MoreRelatedIslamic Fundamentalism5541 Words   |  23 PagesIslamic Fundamentalism Contest Introduction I. Islam as a Religion II. Islamic Fundamentalism 3.1. Defining Fundamentalism and the Backgrounds of Islamic Fundamentalism 3.2. Islamic fundamentalist movements Conclusion Bibliography Introduction Islam is the fastest growing religion in the world and is second only to Christianity in number of adherents. Muslims live in all parts of the world, but the majority of Muslims are concentrated in the Middle East and Asia NorthRead MoreIslamic Fundamentalism5550 Words   |  23 PagesIslamic Fundamentalism Contest Introduction I. Islam as a Religion II. Islamic Fundamentalism 3.1. Defining Fundamentalism and the Backgrounds of Islamic Fundamentalism 3.2. Islamic fundamentalist movements Conclusion Bibliography Introduction Islam is the fastest growing religion in the world and is second only to Christianity in number of adherents. Muslims live in all parts of the world, but the majority of Muslims are concentrated in the Middle East andRead MoreAnti American Sentiment Among The United States1047 Words   |  5 Pagespolitical control. According to journalist Ahmed Rashid, â€Å"[Osama] funded a lot of their activities. He provided funds to them. And he s also become a kind of ideological mentor of theirs in the sense he introduced them in many ways to the world of Islamic radicalism. He s taken them along the way that he wanted to.† Osama, who had aided the Mujahideen during the Soviet invasion, was able to politically maneuver the Taliban for the benefit of his terror network, Al-Qaeda, creating a more dominant but alsoRead MoreRelationship Between The West And Iran2034 Words   |  9 Pageshas been notoriously rocky. Several main factors accumulating at the beginning in the 20th century have led to a perfect storm of religion, imperialism and radicalism that have come together to create the Islamic Republic of Iran that was built primarily on anti-Americanism. How did this happen and why is this republic so anti-American? The Islamic Republic is built upon a revolutionary type of anti-Americanism that can be â€Å"found among opposition groups seeking to overthrow regimes closely identifiedRead MoreUnited Arab Emirates1293 Words   |  6 PagesBeing one of the smallest nations in the world, the United Arab Emirates is uniquely positioned to be an economic superpower in the next few decades. With their forward thinking policies, and far reaching impact, one of the few things holding them back from success is their leadership. Although the United Arab Emirates has an involved authoritarian regime, diversification of the market economy, innovative trade policies, and forward-thinking government projects have created an arena for economicRead MoreThe Corruption Of Saddam Hussein1488 Words   |  6 Pagesuncle, Khairallah Tulfah, who made a deep impact on what Hussein later did in his life. There is proof that Saddam was connected to violence at an early age. There are several reports that link him to the murders of a school teacher and/or a cousin. At the age of 20, Hussein joined the Ba’th party. He was denied admission to the prestigious Baghdad Military Academy in 1957. This probably happened because he failed to finish high school. This made a huge impact on Saddam’s honor which led him to createRead MoreTerrorist Groups and Impact Essay1881 Words   |  8 PagesTerrorist group and impact Introduction HAMAS (Harakat al-Muqawamah al-Islamiyya) is the Arabic word for Zeal and also known as Islamic Resistance Movement. It is a notorious terrorist organization in the Middle East and George Bush stated that â€Å"Hamas is one of the deadliest terror organizations in the world today† (Jensen, p.1, 2009). Origins and sources Hamas was formed in 1987 as the Muslim brotherhood (Ikhwan al-Muslimin) in Palestinian by late Ahmad Yassin, Abdel Aziz al-Rantissi andRead MoreEssay about Extremist Islamic Terrorism: Jemaah Islamiyah 4102 Words   |  17 Pagesthat cover key areas including the inception of JI, the status and role of Ba’asyir, the ideological influence of Darul Islam, JI’s manifesto and operational charter, the splintering of JI and the future of Islamic extremists and the response from authorities. The analysis shows that Islamic extremism is not only present but prevalent in Indonesia today. Hard line groups like JI and the recently identified Aceh cell actively plan to conduct mass-casualty attacks on civilians and senior politicalRead MoreChallenges Faced By Pakistan As An Impoverished Nation And Its Development2033 Words   |  9 Pagesas poverty, illiteracy, terrorism, civil war and overpopulation. This paper will shed light on some of the challenges faced by Pakistan as an impoverished nation and also provide some suggestions on how these issues can be tackled. Pakistan is an Islamic state located in South Asia that covers an area of 796,095 square kilometers. It shares border with India, Afghanistan, Iran and China and a marine border with Oman. It came into existence as an independent nation in 1947 and since then, it has beenRead MoreTerrorism by the Egyptian Islamic Jihad3663 Words   |  15 PagesTerrorism by the Egyptian Islamic Jihad Brandin P. Lea SCTY 488 – Terrorism and Homeland Security December 26, 2010 Professor Eric Witcher Abstract It has been the case that over the duration that mankind has graced the planet there has been group’s hell bent on enacting their beliefs and values upon the rest of the world. As time has passed there have been many times that these groups have changed the face of the planet permanently. You can look at any organized religious group and

The Revolution Of The United States Of America - 1714 Words

Protests that Built the United States of America Edward Abbey is quoted as saying, â€Å"A patriot must always be ready to defend his country against his government† (Abbey). During the 18th century, this is precisely how the United States of America transformed from a group of colonies that served their mother country of England to a completely independent nation founded on the basic principles of democracy. What led to this great transformation and how were these colonists able to break away from English rule? The answer is simple. The colonists sought the basic rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness by means of one relatively simple concept: the act of protest. The colonial protests that occurred between 1764 and 1775†¦show more content†¦The Currency Act prohibited the colonies from being able to issue their own currency. The colonies had no say in these acts passed by Parliament and this angered the colonists. The phrase â€Å"no taxation w ithout representation† became the popular outcry within the colonies after the passage of these two acts (Kennedy, 126). By the end of 1764, many of the colonists had united to protest these unfair acts by beginning to boycott English goods (Library of Congress). In 1765, the Quartering Act was passed by Parliament requiring the colonists to provide housing and supplies to the British troops stationed in the colonies (Alchin). This angered the colonists who did not feel it was their duty to house the troops sent by the British. In 1766, the first colonial protest of the Quartering Act occurred in New York, which served as the headquarters for the British troops. Not wanting to support the British soldiers any more, the Assembly of New York refused to continue housing the British troops. During a protest by the colonists, a small fight broke out between the colonists and the British troops, injuring one colonist (Library of Congress). Passed in 1765, the Stamp Act, was another act that prompted colonial protest. The Stamp Act was Parliament s first direct tax imposed on the American colonies (Alchin). The Stamp Act was a tax on newspapers, pamphlets, and legal documents, meant to raise revenue for Great Britain just like the Sugar Act

Energy Conservation Free Essays

Abstract Energy management and conservation is an important tool to help enterprises to meet their critical objectives of short term and long term goals. The main objective of the energy conservation is to maximize the profit, minimize the cost of energy and to ensure sustainability in the long term. India is one of the largest tea producers in the world, with an annual production of more than 856,000 tons. We will write a custom essay sample on Energy Conservation or any similar topic only for you Order Now Estimates indicate that 1. 3 million tons of firewood and 435 million units of electricity are used annually for tea processing in India. The proposed Project would focus on how the production cost in tea industry can be reduced by using Energy efficient motors. Chapter1 details the problems faced by the tea industry in terms of electricity cost, textile industry, present efficiency levels in available motors, split of production cost , the methodology adopted to solve the problem, project objectives and scope of the project. Chapter2 briefs about Siemens Ltd, Vision ,Mission and Values of Siemens, major achievements over past 50 year, initiatives towards green and simple organisational chart of Siemens. Chapter3 discusses the problem at hand, the efficiency levels of motor in tea industry, Energy savings by Eff1 motors and trends in Energy Efficiency by various organisations. Chapter4 highlights the literatures reviewed and Energy management agreements from various countries. Energy conservation issues and Minimum Energy Performance Standard are also discussed. Chapter5 elaborates about tea plantation and production process in various regions of country. v arious terminologies , manufacturing process and types of tea available in tea market also elaborated in this section. Chapter6 shows the data needed to carry out this project. The data collected, details of the data collected and the analysis of the data carried out are also shown in this chapter. Chapter7 illustrates the analysis of energy saving in tea industry by energy efficient motors, selection of motors , life cycle cost of motor, energy efficiency comparison,losses in motors and energy saving by Eff1 motor Chapter8 gives the recommendations after taking all the factors in to account. The various recommendations are substantiated properly. Chapter9 gives the conclusion, graphical representation of energy saving in a tea industry, gains of the study, limitations of the study and the future work. The various literatures referred for the study and the additional information taken as reference for carrying out this project is given in the list of references . Motor Nomenclature, Standards , comparison of efficiency in various motors and energy saving obtained in two tea industries are given in the appendix. How to cite Energy Conservation, Essay examples Energy Conservation Free Essays ————————————————- A Study of Factors Influencing Energy Conservation Behavior Richard Semenik, University of Utah Russell Belk, University of Utah John Painter, University of Utah ABSTRACT – Previous research on factors that influence energy conservation behavior have almost without exception been restricted to demographic investigations using bivariate analyses. The present study attempts to go beyond prior research by using a richer set of non-demographic predictors in the context of gasoline conservation. Multivariate analysis of the predictors suggests that greater understanding of conserver and non-conserver groups can be achieved with a broader set of predictor variables. We will write a custom essay sample on Energy Conservation or any similar topic only for you Order Now [ to cite ]: Richard Semenik, Russell Belk, and John Painter (1982) ,†A Study of Factors Influencing Energy Conservation Behavior†, in NA – Advances in Consumer Research Volume 09, eds. Andrew Mitchell, Ann Abor, MI : Association for Consumer Research, Pages: 306-312. Advances in Consumer Research Volume 9, 1982 Pages 306-312 A STUDY OF FACTORS INFLUENCING ENERGY CONSERVATION BEHAVIOR Richard Semenik, University of Utah Russell Belk, University of Utah John Painter, University of Utah ABSTRACT – Previous research on factors that influence energy conservation behavior have almost without exception been restricted to demographic investigations using bivariate analyses. The present study attempts to go beyond prior research by using a richer set of non-demographic predictors in the context of gasoline conservation. Multivariate analysis of the predictors suggests that greater understanding of conserver and non-conserver groups can be achieved with a broader set of predictor variables. INTRODUCTION The energy problems first highlighted by the 1973-74 gasoline and fuel oil shortages have spawned a considerable number of research efforts on the topic of energy conservation. Reviews by Anderson and Cullen (1979), Farhar, et al. (1979), Frankena, Buttell, and Morrison (1977), and Joerges (1979) classify over 300 energy consumption studies conducted during the Seventies. A major thrust in many of these studies has been the detection of factors affecting energy conservation. Such a focus on understanding who conserves and why they do so, is of obvious concern for formulating realistic public policies, effectively encouraging energy conservation, and recognizing problems in operationalizing energy conservation plans. However, despite the fact that a number of studies have been directed at finding correlates of energy conservation attitudes and behavior their findings have generally been weak and often contradictory. The following sections review the findings for the major categories of predictors which have been examined and discusses reasons for the inconsistencies. FACTORS RELATED TO INDIVIDUAL ENERGY CONSERVATION Income The one factor most studied for its relationship to energy conservation has been income. Income-related influences on conservation or non-conservation of energy seem to be sufficient to have created a confusing set of findings. Based on general indices or questions about energy conservation behavior some studies have found positive associations between energy conservation and income (Grier, 1976; Talarzyk and Omura, 1974) and between energy conservation and social class (Bultena, 1976). However other studies have found negative associations between energy conservation and income (Cunningham and Lopreato, 1977; Opinion Research Corporation, 1975c) as well as between energy conservation and social class (Gottlieb and Matre, 1975)o Still other studies have found that the middle income classes report the greatest level of energy conservation (Warren and Cliffords 1975; Kilkeary, 1975). And still other studies report no significant relationship between energy conservation and income (Hogan, 1976; Bartel, 1974). The same inconsistent pattern of findings has emerged when conservation of specific type of energy have been examined separately. For home heating conservation, the largest number of studies have found a positive association between income and conservation behaviors (Morrison and Gladhart, 1976; Murray et al. , 1974; Perlman and Warren, 1975a, 1975b; Reizenstein and Barnaby, 1976). Nevertheless, there are again exceptions with some studies showing lower income households conserving more heating fuel (Newman and Day, 1975; WaLker and Draper, 1975) and some showing middle income households conserving more (Warkov, 1976), or that some heating conservation actions are more likely in low income households, while other heating conservation actions are more likely in high income households (Opinion Research Corporation, 1974b). The same inconsistency occurs for studies examining various aspects of gasoline energy conservation, except that in this case the preponderance of evidence shows a negative association between income and conservation (Gallup, 1977a; Opinion Research Corporation, 1976b; Roper, 1977a; Barnaby and Reizenstein, 1977; Newman and Day, 1975). The contradictory evidence either shows a positive association (Roper, 1977b; Murray, et al. 1974; Perlman and Warren, 1975a; Reizenstein and Barnaby 1976), a curvilinear association (Warkov, 1976), or no significant association between income and automobile-related energy conservation (Opinion Research Corporation. 1974c). Education The general expectation here would be that education and conservation would be positively associated. However a major complicating factor may be the positive association between education and income. Whether due to this association or to a similarity of energy conservation attitudes across education levels, the studies examining this variable again provide mixed results As expected the largest number of studies have obtained a positive association between education and conservation actions (Roper, 1977b; Survey Research Laboratory,1977; Reizenstein and Barnaby, 1976; Thompson and MacTavish, 1976; Gallup, 1977a). The exceptions consist of findings of a curvilinear relationship between education and energy conservation (Cunningham and Lopreato, 1977), findings of a negative relationship (Opinion Research Corporation, 1974a, 1975a, 1975c), and findings of no significant education/ conservation relationship (Murray, et al. , 1974; Hogan, 1976) e Occupation Occupation has been studied less frequently and one reason may be that there is less of an intuitive basis for hypothesizing a relationship between occupation and energy conservation. The studies which have obtained a ignificant relationship between occupation and energy conservation practices and attitudes have found greater conservation by those with higher status occupations (Thompson and MacTavish, 1976; Opinion Research Corporation, 1975d). Other studies have found no differences in energy conservation by different occupational groups (Lowry and Good, 1977; Gallup 1974, 1977a). Some research has found little difference in overall conserva tion tendencies between occupational groups, but has found the nature of their conservation efforts to differ. For example, one study found that those in business and professional occupations reported a greater tendency to turn down home thermostats in cold weather, while clerical, sales and manual labor workers reported a greater tendency to turn off unused lights at home (Gallup, 1977b); Overall however, occupation does not appear to be a good predictor of energy conservation. Age Given the relationship between age and income, it might be expected that the young and old would find the greatest economic incentive for energy conservation, with less of this motivation among middle ages. But given that many energy-conserving behaviors (e. . walking, bicycling, turning down winter thermostats and turning up summer thermostats) may be less feasible for those in poor health, there are greater constraints acting on older consumers who might otherwise be more inclined to conserve through such behaviors. In terms of baseline rates of energy usage, it appears that middle-aged families (especially with children) have the highest levels of energy consumption, and therefore the greatest opportunity to conserve (Morrison and Gladhart, 1976). These mixed expectations are borne out by mixed findings relating energy conservation and age. For instance, Talarzyk and Omura (1974) report the least resistance to the idea of energy conservation by older consumers, but the greatest number of energy conservation activities by middle age consumers. Cunningham and Lopreato (1977) found the oldest and youngest consumers most likely to conserve, but also found that for some conservation behaviors there was a positive association with age and for others there was a negative age association. While such mixed findings are typical (e. g. Roper, 1977b), other studies report finding no significant relationship between age and energy conservation (Hogan, 1976; KiLkeary, 1975; Bartel, 1974). Thus age has also failed to act as a consistently good predictor of energy conservation. Family Life Cycle As suggested in the comments concerning the related variable of age, larger families with middle aged parents tend to consume larger amounts of energy (Morrison and Gladhart 1976). While this argument suggests greater opportunities for energy conservation by such households, there are also some countervailing forces. One is that a larger, less fuel efficient automobile may be more of a necessity for larger families. Similarly, to the extent that energy conservation requires some sacrifice, it may be more difficult in our society to deprive children of some energy-consuming activity than it is to deprive self or self and spouse alone. But another countervailing force in the opposite direction may be that children receive more conservation information in school than their parents did and bring this information and related conservation attitudes home (Opinion Research Corporation, 1976b). Once again we are left with unclear expectations about the relationship of the family life cycle variable and energy conservation. Even within the area of gasoline conservation, some studies have found conservation more likely among married persons (Burdge, 1975) while others have found conservation more likely among singles (Roper, 1977b). Similarly, some studies have found greater (gasoline) conservation by families with fewer children (Roper, 1977b), while other studies have found greater (general energy) conservation by families with more children (Kilkearny, 1975). Still other studies have found no significant relationship between energy conservation and family composition or size (Hogan, 1976: Morrison 19775. Gender Expectations for the effect of gender on attitudes toward various conservation practices are difficult to formulate. Farhar et al. , (1979) speculate that home-related energy conservation in heating and appliance use may threaten the traditional role of the woman in providing family comfort. However, several studies show women more favorable toward energy conservation in the home than men (Opinion Research Corporation, 1975b, 1976a; Cunningham and Lopreato, 1977). Other studies find no differences in such attitudes (Bartel, 1974). Within the domain of gasoline-conserving ehaviors, some studies show males to be less favorable (Opinion Research Corporation, 1976a) while others show females to be less favorable (Gallup, 1977a). Again the literature fails to uncover consistent relationships between energy conservation and a potential predictor variable. Other Factors Related to Energy Conservation To a lesser extent, other demographic variables have been examined as predictors of energy conservation behavior Race has been examined with some sort of inconsistencies or no difference in behavior result between blacks and whites (Newman and Day, 1975; Cunningham and Lopreato, 1977). Political party affiliation has also been examined and in some cases Democrats appear more conserving (Opinion Research Corporation, 1975c) and in other cases Republicans appear more conserving (Gallup, 1977a). Urban versus rural area of residence has been examined with little consistency in results. In some studies, rural residents are more conserving (Blakely, 1976; Morrison, 1977), in others urban residents are more conserving (Opinion Research Corporation, 1975d, 1976a), and in others no difference was found (Hogan, 1976). Some studies have gone beyond demographic variables in search for predictors of conservation. One study (Reizenstein and Barnaby, 1976) found media exposure and personal sources of information better predictors of conservation attitudes than demographics. Several studies have used activity, interest, and opinion (AIO) variables to predict energy conservation (Morrison, 1977; Barnaby and Reizenstein, 1977; Talarzyk, 1974). Although the results of these studies have found some significant relationships, the substantial differences in AIO items used preclude any generalization of effects of lifestyle on conservation. REASONS FOR INCONSISTENT FINDINGS Several explanations are possible for the contradictory and inconsistent findings of studies seeking factors related to energy conservation. Two explanations offered by both Farhar et al. , (1979) and Anderson and Cullen (1979), are that there are numerous measures and categorizations of independent variables in these studies and that the dependent variable (energy conservation) has also been operationalized in a number of ways. These do not seem to be adequate to explain all of the anomalies found in the literature. While different categorizations and measures of independent variables may explain why a variable is a significant predictor of conservation in some studies but not in others, it does not explain why the same relationships are positive in same studies and negative in others. Another explanation which might be suggested is that the samples and time periods of the various studies were different. However, there are also shortcomings to this explanation. The review by Farhar et al. , (1979) finds little in the way of regional differences in energy conservation findings. Even though all relevant studies have been conducted during the 1970’s, there may be enough volatility in attitudes and behavior during this period that studies of several different years could obtain different findings. However, the series of longitudinal studies reviewed by Murray et al. , (1974) would seem to discount this argument since most of the variables remained relativelY stable. The foregoing explanations may go part way toward explaining the differences in findings obtained, but there is another more compelling explanation. In nearly every instance there are opposing conceptual expectations concerning the nature of the relationship between the predictor variable and conservation of energy. It may well be that the combination of these opposing forces has been sufficient to cause different and even opposite findings in studies with somewhat different samples. Since some of the opposing expectations arise from the correlations between a predictor variable and another variable, a sample which is more homogeneous in such a third variable (e. g. income) than another sample may cause an apparent reversal of the relationship between the predictor variable (e. . education) and energy conservation. With very few exceptions (e. g. Reizenstein and Barnaby, 1976), previous studies have used bivariate rather than multivariate methods in order to examine the relationships of interest. One of the improvements offered in the present paper is to employ a multivariate method in order to go beyond the limitations of the la rgely bivariate prior studies. In addition, the present paper seeks a richer set of predictor variables than the largely demographic variables employed in prior research. The primary non-demographic sets of variables added were (1) beliefs about the nature and causes of the energy crisis (often investigated as dependent variables, but not as independent variables), (2) preferences for different energy-related actions, and (3) media exposure variables. No previous study has simultaneously investigated these types of variables. METHODOLOGY In an effort to investigate a wide variety of variables and their effect on gasoline consumption, a sample of 253 heads of households who travel over 150 miles per month was selected using a cluster sampling technique. The data were collected in Salt Lake City, Utah in the spring and summer of 1979 during a period of pronounced shortages and price increases. A structured questionnaire administered by trained interviewers was used to gather information on a variety of potential predictor variables and demographic information. Questions were carefully worded to avoid potential demand characteristics that could result from â€Å"socially acceptable† response options. As discussed above, three primary non-demographic sets of variables were included in the data collection. In addition, current gasoline consumption behaviors and demographic variables were also identified. The five total categories of variables and the dimensions for data gathered in each category are displayed in Table 1. The rationale for choosing to investigate variables in these categories stem from several influences. First, the previous research, discussed at the outset of this paper, tented to narrowly define the potential influences on consumption behavior. The categories used in this study attempt to broaden the base of investigation of potential influences. Second, the types of variables examined in earlier works provided a foundation for the categories of variables used here. Earlier studies were relied on for choosing variables to examine within categories. Finally, since there is an issue related to using demographics versus other types of variables to predict energy-related behaviors, demographics were also included in the investigation. RESULTS The main purpose of data analysis was to identify factors that influence gasoline conservation behavior. The initial step in this procedure was to classify respondents as either conservers or non-conservers of gasoline by virtue of various behaviors. The behaviors used to classify respondents were: 1. estimated mpg of the auto being driven 2. consuming less gasoline than six months ago 3. consuming less gasoline than five years ago 4. currently riding in a car pool 5. moving to a residence closer to work to help conserve gas 6. increase in bus usage TABLE 1 NEANS AND UNIVARIATE F SCORES FOR VARIABLES CONSIDERED AS PREDICTORS If a respondent was engaging in two or more conservation behaviors with regard to the above set of variables, the decision rule was to classify this respondent as a conserver. Respondents engaging in less than two conservation behaviors or behaving in a fashion that indicated increased consumption of gasoline were categorized as non-conservers. On the basis of reported behavior, 83 respondents were classified as conservers and 75 as non-conservers. The remaining 95 respondents were unclassified by virtue of demonstrating contradictory conservation and non-conservation behaviors. In an effort to verify this grouping procedure and thereby establish that legitimately different groups were formed by the process 9 a discriminant analysis was performed on the newly formed conserver and non-conserver groups. The discriminant analysis indicated that each of the variables discussed earlier which were used in the group forming process produced significant (p;. 01) differences between conservers and non-conservers. The most important variables in distinguishing the two groups were consumers’ use of a more fuel efficient auto and consuming less gasoline than five years ago. Further verification of the grouping was provided by the classification matrix in this analysis in which a 90. 5% correct prediction was achieved in classifying respondents as conservers or non-conservers versus maximum chance percentage of 52. %. The establishment of groups which were legitimately different in energy related behaviors provided a foundation for investigating a broad set of potential predictor variables. Table 1 shows the means and univariate F-Scores for the complete set of variables considered. The variables in Table 1 were then analyzed using discriminant analysis for their value in predicting the conserver and non-conserver groups. From the original set of 32 variables viewed as potentially useful predictors, Table 2 shows the results of those that were significant in forming the discriminant function. On a univariate basis, many of the variables distinguish between the conserver and non-conserver groups. Additionally, on a multivariate basis this group of variables provided a highly significant (p . 001) discriminant function. Further evidence of the overall power of the variable set is provided in Table 3 by the classification matrix. Predicted group membership had a 76. 58% accuracy based on the discriminant function formed from the group of predictor variables (again versus a 52. 5% level by the maximum chance criterion, (Morrison, 1969). TABLE 2 SIGNIFICANT VARIABLES IN DISCRIMINANT ANALYSIS OF CONSERVER GROUPS TABLE 3 CLASSIFICATION MATRIX FOP CONSERVER GROUPS In light of the variables’ power in distinguishing between conservers and non-conservers, a discussion of the contribution made by each variable set is worthwhile Beliefs About the Gasoline Shortage This set of predictors indicated consistently different views between conservers and non-conservers. Non-conservers were more prone to believe that no real gasoline shortage existed, that there was less of a need for the country to decrease its consumption of gasoline, and that the gasoline availability problem was due to government bungling of the situation. The conserver group tended toward opposite beliefs in each of these areas. The government issue is one of the strongest contributors to the multivariate prediction of group membership. Evaluation of Potential Solutions Univariate comparisons of the two groups on this set of variables indicate that significant differences exist between the groups on two of six dimensions (closing gas stations on certain days as an acceptable solution and higher prices as a best solution). One possible reason greater differences were not discovered in univariate analysis of these factors is that non-conservers were not convinced a shortage of gasoline really existed. In this context, non-conservers may have found it difficult to evaluate potential solutions to a hypothetical problem. Again, on a multivariate basis, each of the variables in this set contributed significantly to the distinction between the groups. Gasoline Consumption Behaviors This set of variables identifies differences in the way conservers and non-conservers use their personal automobiles. Non-conservers tented to drive a greater number of miles in a year and had a significantly higher percentage of work related use of the automobile. Given the influence of using the automobile for work related purposes, perhaps non-conservers hold a view that there is an element of inflexibility in their ability to conserve gas. This proposition, however, must be evaluated in the context of the non-conservers’ stronger belief that a shortage of petroleum doesn’t really exist anyway. Media Habits The only media habit that was different between the groups was ratio listening behavior and this is only significant in the context of the multivariate analysis. Data were gathered on television viewing behavior and amount of time spent reading the newspaper. As the data in Table 2 indicates, non-conservers spent more time listening to the radio (perhaps as part of work related travel). Demographics The demographic analysis in this current study provides a basis for comparison with previous energy conservation research. The results in Table 2 indicate that conservers are younger, and have higher education and income status than non-conservers. The age relationship is more straightforward than suggested by prior research. The significance of the education variable contributes to the body of evidence which suggests a positive association between conservation and education level (Roper, 1976b; Survey Research Laboratory; Reizenstein and Barnaby, 1976; Thompson and MacTavish, 1976; Gallup, 1977a). Conservers were also found to have a higher income than non-conservers. While the difference between groups is not significant on a univariate basis, this is another variable that contributes to the overall differences between the groups on a multivariate basis. In general, the positive association of income to conserver status joins a relatively few previous efforts discovering the same result (Roper 1977b. , Murray et al. ; 1974; Perlman and Warren, 1975a; and Reizenstein and Barnaby, 1976). DISCUSSION First, it may be noted some of the belief, attitudinal, and behavioral predictors are stronger predictors of conserver status than any of the demographic variables. It therefore appears that the inclusion of this enriched set of predictors paid off and that prior studies have been limited by restricting themselves to demographic variables. From a public policy standpoint, the current results indicate that non-conservers simply are not convinced that an energy problem exists. They are clearly more prone to believe that the government is responsible for shortages in petroleum and that decreasing consumption of gasoline will not eliminate the source of the problem. This mentality on the part of non-conservers manifests itself in several ways. The non-conserver group drives less fuel efficient cars and uses car pooling and public transportation far less than conservers. Further, the non-conserving group has shown little effort over the past six months or five years to consume less gas. The lack of belief in the reality of a gasoline shortage also results in lack of enthusiasm by non-conservers for any potential solutions. Admittedly, the conservers were not overly favorable toward most solutions, but non-conservers did not rate a single potential solution positively as a group. Since not one of 75 respondents classified as non-conservers cited higher gas prices as the best solution to the problem, perhaps this tactic would have the greatest impact on the group. Aside from any attempt to speculate regarding specific policy strategies though, the main conclusion is that this group needs to be convinced of the existence of any energy problem. It can also be recognized that non-conservers drive more miles and drive more for work related reasons than conservers. The implication here could be that non-conservers consider the consumption of gasoline a necessity and therefore do not feel they have the flexibility to engage in conservation behaviors. Demographically conservers are younger, more highly educated and higher in income than non-conservers. Perhaps, these demographic factors have contributed to their ability to obtain and comprehend information about the energy situation, hereby influencing their beliefs about its existence. This in turn may have influenced conservers to car pool, use public transportation, drive more fuel efficient cars, and generally reduce consumption of gasoline. At least this cognitive-behavioral chain of events is the one we would expect for a high involvement choice like gasoline conservation. The distinctions between conservers and non-conservers Just discussed were, to a large degree, discov ered through the use of a multivariate approach to the predictor variables. Many factors that were not significant on a bivariate basis, nonetheless, were significant in the context of a multivariate analysis of the two groups. To the extent that factors are operating in conjunction with one another to influence conservation behavior such a simultaneous investigation appears to have promise in untangling the contradictory findings produced by previous bivariate analyses The task of future research investigating energy conservation behavior is to further enhance and enrich the set of predictor variables by taking into account longitudinal changes in the beliefs and attitudes found to be important in this study. To the extent that evolving consumer beliefs about energy problems and consumer consumption behaviors related to these beliefs can be identified, a greater understanding of factors influencing conservation behavior will be attained. REFERENCES Anderson, Dennis and Cullen, Carman (1979), Energy Research from a Consumer Perspective: An Annotated Bibliography, (Ottawa: Consumer and Corporate Affairs Canada). Barnaby, David J. and Reizenstein, Richard to (1977), â€Å"Consumer Attitudes and Gasoline Usage: A Market Segmentation Study,† Proceedings of the 9th Annual Conference of American Institute for Decision Sciences, eds. Justin D. Stolen and James J. Conway, 230-232. Bartel, Ted (1974), â€Å"The Effects of the Energy Crisis on Attitudes and Life Styles of Los Angeles Residents,† presented at the 69th annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Montreal. Blakely, Edward J. (1976), â€Å"Energy, Public Opinion and the 1976 Public Policy,† California Agriculture, 30, 4-5. Bultena, Gordon L. (1976), Public Response to the Energy Crisis: A Study of Citizens’ Attitudes and Adaptive Behaviors, (Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University). Burdge, Rabel J. et al. , (1975), â€Å"Public Opinion on Energy,† Issues Facing Kentucky, (Lexington, Kentucky: University of Kentucky). R Cunningham, William R. and Lopreato, Sally Cook (1977), Energy Use and Conservation Incentives, (New York: Praeger Publishers). Farhar, Barbara C. , Wells, Patricia, Unseld, Charles T. and Burns, Barbara A. (1979), Public Opinion About Energy: A Literature Review, (Golden, Colorado: Solar Energy Research Institute). Frankena, Frederick, Buttell, Frederick H. and Morrison, Denton E. (1977), Energy/Society Annotations, (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan). Gallup, George (1974), â€Å"Energy Curbs Usage,† The Gallup Opinion Index, (Report No. 04, Princeton: American Institute of Public Opinion). Gallup, George (1977a), â€Å"Energy,† The Gallup Opinion Index, (Report No. 142, Princeton: American Institute of Public Opinion). Gallup, George (1977b), â€Å"Public Remains Unconvinced of Energy Problem,† The Gallup Opinion Index, (Report No. 149, Princeton: American Institute of Public Opinion). Gottlieb, David and Matre, Marc (1975) , â€Å"Conceptions of Energy Shortages and Energy Conserving Behavior,† (presented at 70th Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association, San Francisco). Grier, Eunice S. (1976), â€Å"Changing Patterns of Energy Consumption and Costs in U. S. Households,† presented at Allied Social Science Association Meeting, (Atlantic City). Hogan, Janice M. (1976), Energy Conservation: Family Values, Household Practices, and Contextual Variables, Ph. D. dissertation, East Lansing: Michigan State University). Joerges, Bernard (1979), Consumer Energy Research: An International Bibliography, Berlin: The International Institute for Environment and Society. Kilkeary, Rovena (1975), The Energy Crisis and Decision-Making in the Family, NTIS Report No. NSF-SOS GY-11543, (Springfield Virginia: National Technical Information Service. Lowry, D. J. and Good, W. S. (1977), â€Å"The Energy Conscious Consumer: Implications for Marketing,† working paper, (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba). Morrison, Bonnie M. (1977), â€Å"Presidential Energy Consumption: Socio-Physical Determinants of Energy Use in Single Family Dwellings,† in The Behavioral Basis of Design. Book 2, eds. Peter Suedfeld, James A. Russell, Lawrence M. Ward, Francoise Szigeti, and Gerald Davis, (Stroudsburg, Pennsylvania: Dowden Hutchinson and Ross, 314-320. Morrison, Bonnie Maas and Gladhart, Peter (1976), â€Å"Energy and Families: The Crisis and Response,† Journal of Home Economics, 68, 15-18. Morrison, Donald G. (1969), â€Å"On the Interpretation of Discriminant Analysis,† Journal of Marketing Research, 6, 156-163. Murray, James R. , Minor, Michael J. , Bradburn, Norman M. , Cotterman, Robert G. , Frankel, Martin and Pisarski, Alan E. (1974), â€Å"Evolution of Public Response to the Energy Crisis,† Science, 19, 257-263. Newman, Dorothy R. and Day, Dawn (1975), The American Energy Consumer, (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Ballinger Publishing Company). Opinion Research Corporation (1974 ), Public Attitudes and Behaviors Regarding Energy Conservation, Waves 12 and 13, Technical Information Service No. PB 259 342). Opinion Research Corporation (1974b), General Public Attitudes and Behavior Toward Energy Saving, Technical Information Service No. 244 980. Opinion Research Corporation (1974c), Trends in Energy Consumption and Attitudes Toward Energy Shortage, Technical Information Service No. 244 983. Opinion Research Corporation (1975A), Consumer Attitudes and Behavior Resulting from Issues Surrounding the Energy Shortage, Technical Information Service No, 244 985. Opinion Research Corporation (1975b), Consumer Behavior and Attitudes Toward Energy-ReLated Issues, Technical Information Service No. 244 986 Opinion Research Corporation (1975c), General Public Attitudes and Behavior Toward Energy Saving, Technical Information Service No. 244 989 Opinion Research Corporation (1975d), How the Public Views the Nation’s Dependence on Oil Imports, Technical Information Service No. 45 828. Opinion Research Corporation (1976a), Private Individual’s Willingness to Make Energy-Saving Efforts and Their Perceptions of Others Doing the Same, Technical Information Service No. 255 946. Opinion Research Corporation (1976b), Parent’s Perceptions of their Children’s Sources of Energy Information and Energy Related Activities, Technical Information No. 261 164. Perlman, Rob ert and Warren, Roland (1975a), â€Å"Effects of the Energy Crisis on Households of Different Income Groups,† presented at the Annual Meeting of The Society of the Study of Social Problems, San Francisco. Perlman, Robert and Warren, Roland L. (1975b), Energy-Saving by Households of Different Incomes in Three Metropolitan Areas, (Waltham, Massachusetts: Brandeis University). Reizenstein, Rich rd C. and Barnaby, David J. (1976), â€Å"An Analysis of Selected Consumer Energy-Environment Trade-Off Segments,† in Educators Proceedings of the American Marketing Association Series #39, (Chicago: American Marketing Association, 522-526. Roper Organization, Inc. (1977a), Roper Reports, (New York: Roper Organization Inc. Roper Organization, Inc. (1977b), Roper Reports, (New York: Roper Organization, Inc. Survey Research Laboratory (1977), Public Reactions to Wind Energy Devices, for the National Science Foundation and the Department of Energy, Washington, D. C. , (Urbana: University of Illinois. ) TaLarzyk, W. Wayne and Omura, Glenn S. , â€Å"Consumer Attitudes Toward and Perceptions of the Energy Crisis,† in 1974 Combined Proceedings, ed. Ronald C. Cruham, (Chicago: American Marketing Association, 316-322. Thompson, Phyllis T. and MacTavish, John (1976), â€Å"Energy Problems: Public Beliefs, Attitudes, and Behaviors,† mimeographed paper, Urban and Environmental Studies Institute, Grand Valley State College, (Allendale, Michigan). Walker, Nolan E. and Draper, E. Linn, â€Å"The Effects of Electricity Price Increases on Residential Usage of Three Economic Groups: A Case Study,† in Texas Nuclear Power Policies, (Austin, Texas: University of Texas. Warkov, Seymour (1976), Energy Conservation in the Houston- Galveston Area Complex: 1976, (Houston, Texas: University of Houston). Warren, Donald I. and Clifford, David L. (1975), Local Neighborhood Social Structure and Response to the Energy Crisis of 1973-74. (Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan). How to cite Energy Conservation, Papers Energy Conservation Free Essays Energy Conservation Amanda Foshee SCI/275 March 24, 2013 Jocelyn Hunt CET, MPA Energy Conservation Energy conservation should be one of the most research and implemented things we have in our homes today. When we think about energy conservation we think about solar, wind, and water to provide energy. These three renewable energy sources are answers to a lot of questions and help with cutting down on using the nonrenewable sources like coal, natural gas, and oil. We will write a custom essay sample on Energy Conservation or any similar topic only for you Order Now With energy conservation we can help protect what we have on this earth, but we can also make sure there is something for our children to have when they are grown. Renewable Energy Renewable energy is one of the most unused energy sources out there. We have the wind, solar, and water just to name a few. When we use these energy sources not only could we cut down the energy cost for most Americans, but we could save some of the nonrenewable energy sources, such as natural gas, oil, and coal. When you decide to change to renewable energy this might be costly, but in the long run it will pay for itself. It will also help cut down on CO2 production in your home. When using renewable energy sources you have a better in and out door air quality (Ozone, 2012). This would cut down on health issues such as headaches and not getting enough sleep or even death in the worse case outcome (Ozone, 2012). Wind and water are also a good source of renewable energy sources. Not only do they supply power planets and heat homes and or electrical devices, it helps cut down on energy cost (Anarbaev Zakhidov, 2011). When using natural resouces that we see and hear and feel everyday this helps bring down the use of coal, natural gas, and oil products that hurt our enviroment. The â€Å"Epa† (2013) website say, when considering using renewable energy think about this, when we see wind mills or Nigra Falls, we think that it is a wonderful site to see, but it also is a place that produces energy and helps conserve energy and it also provides jobs to millions of people. When you want to use wind or water you have to have a large enough area to up hold this amount of work that needs to be done and make sure that it is not on to much greenland (â€Å"Epa†, 2013). Effect and Affect With energy conservation we have to look at all sides of the equation. We have renewable energy resources that cause little to no harm to the planet or to humans. With the nonrenewable resources we run into it running out and depleting the ozone lays (Ozone, 2012). The effect far weight out the affects because one you have and endless supply of solar, wind, and water to power things and heat a home. With coal, natural gas, and oil once it is gone it is gone. With energy conservation we have to think about the effects and the affects it has on not just the earth but us as a human as well and what it will help with and will not help with. One of the major things that energy conservation helps with is the cut down on the use of nonrenewable energy sources, but it also cuts down on health problems as well along with cutting down on money being spent to heat a home or run a car or a business (Ozone, 2012). With so much to be gained by using the renewable energy the use of nonrenewable should be a thing of the past. With energy conservation doing little things will help changing out light bulbs and switching to energy sufficient appliances. The purchase of these products not only cut down on your monthly bills but also helps with using less energy. Also think about purchasing a system that uses the air and heat from underground to heat your home. Say that it is 3 degrees out side, well underground stay at a constant 60 degrees, so the air is circulated from underground to your home, thus keeps the home warm with out using oil or gas to heat your home (â€Å"Geothermal â€Å", 2013). This is just one of many ways you can conserve energy. Yes, some of the things to manage to conserve energy are expensive, but in the long run it will save you over 99 percent (â€Å"Geothermal â€Å", 2013). If we did simple thing like changing the light bulbs or filling up with gas at half a tank instead of it being on empty would help also. When we pump gas we need to pump early in the mornings because in the heat of the day gas expands so we are paying more and getting less and when pumping gas never fill up while the gas company is there filling the tanks because most of the time they are just stirring up the tanks and what is on the bottom gets into our tanks and always pump slow never fast (â€Å"Gas†, 2013). This will help cut down on the use of gas and oil to power our automobiles. Resource Plan Energy Conservation Plan 1. Action items: To provide a solution for using to much nonrenewable energy sources to using more of the renewable energy sources. My plan is to research the benefits of using renewable energy sources and how much money it would cost to transfer homes to this and how much it would save a person a year and also what benefits it would hold on the nonrenewable sources. I would contact the EPA and local agencies to help in finding this information. 2. Order of action items: ) Research the effects of changing to a renewable energy, ex. the cost and the savings. 2) Lay out a plan that works for the area and the government. 3) Inform the public and the workers of the new information. 3. Action steps: First I would talk to the consumers in the areas and find out what the average monthly total spent each month to run the home and or businesses. Then I would take this information and compare it to what it would cost to change to the renewable energy and how much it would save the consumer each month and over the course of a year. Then I would prepare a presentation for the EPA and local agencies to look over this and come up with a plan to help enforce and make the public aware of the cost. Timeline: |Action Items |Action Steps |Action Steps | |(in the correct order) | | | |Research and compare |Review information that is already available to the public. Month 1–3 | | | | | | |Talk with consumers about what they pay each month in electric and gas. | | | | | | |Document the finds in written form and video and audio. | | |Develop a plan action |Develop a plan that lays out what and why the cost are so different |Month 1–3 | | |Show that cost to cost of the renewable to the nonrenewable is. | | |Provide a detailed plan on how to help cut down the cost | | | |Provide a detailed list of how much it would cost to install the new solar | | | |panels or appliances | | |Schedule a presentation day and time. Call and schedule a meeting with the EPA and the local officials |Month 4 | | |Provide detaile d information packets to everyone | | | |Document the audio and visual equipment needed for presentation and layout of| | | |the room. | |Inform the public |Inform the public of the new regulations and provide them with a copy of the |Month 4–5 | | |packets that explain the pros and cons and the cost difference and a list of | | | |local and government agencies that can help. | | In the End After all is said and done there are many things we can do help with energy conservation. With carbon free fuels and using solar and water and wind to power things (Renewable energy solutions. 2012, Aug 15). This would help cut down on a lot of the depleting of the ozone layers and help with health issues as well. With the use of the renewable sources we have come to find that it powers just as much as the nonrenewable sources can (Anarbaev Zakhidov, 2011). The main thing that we have yet to understand is why we are not using this renewable energy like we should. Instead we are depleting our sources of natural gas and oil and coal to power thing when there are alternatives to powering a machine (Anarbaev Zakhidov, 2011). No matter how we look at we need to start being more conservative with how much electricty we use to how much gas we use to even how much water we use. All this cost us each month to use it. There are simple things we can do to use less of these things. Turn the computer off after you are done using it, wash in cold water instead of hot, switch to energy suffient applances, including light bulbs. Think about investing in a newer heating system like the Geothermal, one that uses the heat from underground to heat and cool your home (Geothermal. 2013). Also think about, if you own your home, switching to solar panels or wind energy. This will help cut cost down and also will help with your homeowners insurance. Just little things like this will help with conserving energy and help not use up what nonrenewable energy sources we have left. When we decide to start doing little things like this we will see a decrease in our monthly cost to run a home or business and we will see that the dem and for these sources go down, which will make cost go down as well. We will also see an increase in better health and better breathing air quality because everything that we burn in put into our air that we breathe. Think about this the better we feel the happier we are. Same way with energy the less of the nonrenewable we use the better off we will be in the long haul. This is because if we deplete our earth of these sources it will throw things off in our world. We need to leave our children with an earth that they can live and survive on. They need to know that energy is a precious gift and we need not abuse it or sooner or later there will be none left. We as humans are here to protect the land that we live on and this means trying to better take care of what we have and not abuse it. References Gas. (2013). Retrieved from http://en. wikipedia. org/wiki/Gas Ozone. (2012). Retrieved from http://www. epa. gov/ozone/ Anarbaev, A. I. , Zakhidov, R. A. (2011). Energy-saving and environmentally compatible solar, hydrogen, and gas-turbine technologies. Applied Solar Energy, 47(1), 74-78. doi: http://dx. doi. org/10. 3103/S0003701X11010063 Renewable energy solutions. (2012, Aug 15). York Daily Record. Retrieved from http://search. proquest. com/docview/1033659542? ccountid=35812 EPA. (2013). Retrieved from http://nepis. epa. gov/Exe/ZyNET. exe/P100C79D. txt? ZyActionD=ZyDocumentClient=EPAIndex=2011%20Thru%202015%7C1995%20Thru%201999%7C1981%20Thru%201985%7C2006%20Thru%202010%7C1991%20Thru%201994%7C1976%20Thru%201980%7C2000%20Thru%202005%7C1986%20Thru%201990%7CPrior%20to%201976%7CHardcopy%20PublicationsDocs=Query=renewable%20energyTime=EndTi me=SearchMethod=2TocRestrict=nToc=TocEntry=QField=QFieldYear=QFieldMonth=QFieldDay=UseQField=IntQFieldOp=0ExtQFieldOp=0XmlQuery=File=D%3A%5CZYFILES%5CINDEX%20DATA%5C06THRU10%5CTXT%5C00000030%5CP How to cite Energy Conservation, Papers

C. Wright Mills- The Power Elite free essay sample

The powers of ordinary men are circumscribed by the everyday worlds in which they live, yet even in these rounds of job, family, and neighborhood they often seem driven by forces they can neither understand nor govern. Great changes are beyond their control, but affect their conduct and outlook none the less. The very framework of modern society confines them to projects not their own, but from every side, such changes now press upon the men and women of the mass society, who accordingly feel that they are without purpose in an epoch in which they are without power. But not all men are in this sense ordinary. As the means of information and of power are centralized, some men come to occupy positions in American society from which they can look down upon, so to speak, and by their decisions mightily affect, the everyday worlds of ordinary men and women. They are not made by their jobs; they set up and break down jobs for thousands of others; they are not confined by simple family responsibilities; they can escape. They may live in many hotels and houses, but they are bound by no one community. They need not merely meet the demands of the day and hour; in some part, they create these demands, and cause others to meet them. Whether or not they profess their power, their technical and political experience of it far transcends that of the underlying population. What Jacob Burckhardt said of great men, most Americans might well say of their elite: They are all that we are not. The power elite is composed of men whose positions enable them to transcend the ordinary environments of ordinary men and women; they are in positions to make decisions having major consequences. Whether they do or do not make such decisions is less important than the fact that they do occupy such pivotal positions: their failure to act, their failure to make decisions, is itself an act that is often of greater consequence than the decisions they do make. For they are in command of the major hierarchies and organizations of modern society. They rule the big corporations. They run the machinery of the state and claim its prerogatives. They direct the military establishment. They occupy the strategic command posts of the social structure, in which are now centered the effective means of the power and the wealth and the celebrity which they enjoy. The power elite are not solitary rulers. Advisers and consultants, spokesmen and opinion-makers are often the captains of their higher thought and decision. Immediately below the elite are the professional politicians of the middle levels of power, in the Congress and in the pressure groups, as well as among the new and old upper classes of town and city and region. Mingling with them, in curious ways which we shall explore, are those professional celebrities who live by being continually displayed but are never, so long as they remain celebrities, displayed enough If such celebrities are not at the head of any dominating hierarchy, they do often have the power to distract the attention of the public or afford sensations to the masses, or, more directly, to gain the ear of those who do occupy positions of direct power. More or less unattached, as critics of morality and technicians of power, as spokesmen of God and creators of mass sensibility, such celebrities and consultants are part of the immediate scene in which the drama of the elite is enacted. But that drama itself is centered in the command posts of the major institutional hierarchies. The truth about the nature and the power of the elite is not some secret which men of affairs know but will not tell. Such men hold quite various theories about their own roles in the sequence of event and decision. Often they are uncertain about their roles, and even more often they allow their fears and their hopes to affect their assessment of their own power. No matter how great their actual power, they tend to be less acutely aware of it than of the resistances of others to its use. Moreover, most American men of affairs have learned well the rhetoric of public relations, in some cases even to the point of using it when they are alone, and thus coming to believe it. The personal awareness of the actors is only one of the several sources one must examine in order to understand the higher circles. Yet many who believe that there is no elite, or at any rate none of any consequence, rest their argument upon what men of affairs believe about themselves, or at least assert in public. There is, however, another view: those who feel, even if vaguely, that a compact and powerful elite of great importance does now prevail in America often base that feeling upon the historical trend of our time. They have felt, for example, the domination of the military event, and from this they infer that generals and admirals, as well as other men of decision influenced by them, must be enormously powerful. They hear that the Congress has again abdicated to a handful of men decisions clearly related to the issue of war or peace. They know that the bomb was dropped over Japan in the name of the United States of America, although they were at no time consulted about the matter. They feel that they live in a time of big decisions; they know that they are not making any. Accordingly, as they consider the present as history, they infer that at its center, making decisions or failing to make them, there must be an elite of power. On the one hand, those who share this feeling about big historical events assume that there is an elite and that its power is great. On the other hand, those who listen carefully to the reports of men apparently involved in the great decisions often do not believe that there is an elite whose powers are of decisive consequence. Both views must be taken into account, but neither is adequate. The way to understand the power of the American elite lies neither solely in recognizing the historic scale of events nor in accepting the personal awareness reported by men of apparent decision. Behind such men and behind the events of history, linking the two, are the major institutions of modern society. These hierarchies of state and corporation and army constitute the means of power; as such they are now of a consequence not before equaled in human history-and at their summits, there are now those command posts of modern society which offer us the sociological key to an understanding of the role of the higher circles in America. Within American society, major national power now resides in the economic, the political, and the military domains. Other institutions seem off to the side of modern history, and, on occasion, duly subordinated to these. No family is as directly powerful in national affairs as any major corporation; no church is as directly powerful in the external biographies of young men in America today as the military establishment; no college is as powerful in the shaping of momentous events as the National Security Council. Religious, educational, and family institutions are not autonomous centers of national power; on the contrary, these decentralized areas are increasingly shaped by the big three, in which developments of decisive and immediate consequence now occur. Families and churches and schools adapt to modern life; governments and armies and corporations shape it; and, as they do so, they turn these lesser institutions into means for their ends. Religious institutions provide chaplains to the armed forces where they are used as a means of increasing the effectiveness of its morale to kill. Schools select and train men for their jobs in corporations and their specialized tasks in the armed forces. The extended family has, of course, long been broken up by the industrial revolution, and now the son and the father are removed from the family, by compulsion if need be, whenever the army of the state sends out the call. And the symbols of all these lesser institutions are used to legitimate the power and the decisions of the big three. The life-fate of the modern individual depends not only upon the family into which he was born or which he enters by marriage, but increasingly upon the corporation in which he spends the most alert hours of his best years; not only upon the school where he is educated as a child and adolescent, but also upon the state which touches him throughout his life; not only upon the church in which on occasion he hears the word of God, but also upon the army in which he is disciplined. If the centralized state could not rely upon the inculcation of nationalist loyalties in public and private schools, its leaders would promptly seek to modify the decentralized educational system, If the bankruptcy rate among the top five hundred corporations were as high as the general divorce rate among the thirty-seven million married couples, there would be economic catastrophe on an international scale. If members of armies gave to them no more of their lives than do believers to the churches to which they belong, there would be a military crisis. Within each of the big three, the typical institutional unit has become enlarged, has become administrative, and, in the power of its decisions, has become centralized. Behind these developments there is a fabulous technology, for as institutions, they have incorporated this technology and guide it, even as it shapes and paces their developments. The economy-once a great scatter of small productive units in autonomous balance-has become dominated by two or three hundred giant corporations, administratively and politically interrelated, which together hold the keys to economic decisions. The political order, once a decentralized set of several dozen states with a weak spinal cord, has become a centralized, executive establishment which has taken up into itself many powers previously scattered, and now enters into each and every crany of the social structure. The military order, once a slim establishment in a context of distrust fed by state militia, has become the largest and most expensive feature of government, and, although well versed in smiling public relations, now has all the grim and clumsy efficiency of a sprawling bureaucratic domain. In each of these institutional areas, the means of power at the disposal of decision makers have increased enormously; their central executive powers have been enhanced; within each of them modern administrative routines have been elaborated and tightened up. As each of these domains becomes enlarged and centralized, the consequences of its activities become greater, and its traffic with the others increases. The decisions of a handful of corporations bear upon military and political as well as upon economic developments around the world. The decisions of the military establishment rest upon and grievously affect political life as well as the very level of economic activity. The decisions made within the political domain determine economic activities and military programs. There is no longer, on the one hand, an economy, and, on the other hand, a political order containing a military establishment unimportant to politics and to money-making. There is a political economy linked, in a thousand ways, with military institutions and decisions. On each side of the world-split running through central Europe and around the Asiatic rimlands, there is an ever-increasing interlocking of economic, military, and political structures. If there is government intervention in the corporate economy, so is there corporate intervention in the governmental process. In the structural sense, this triangle of power is the source of the interlocking directorate that is most important for the historical structure of the present. The fact of the interlocking is clearly revealed at each of the points of crisis of modern capitalist society-slump, war, and boom. In each, men of decision are led to an awareness of the interdependence of the major institutional orders. In the nineteenth century, when the scale of all institutions was smaller, their liberal integration was achieved in the automatic economy, by an autonomous play of market forces, and in the automatic political domain, by the bargain and the vote. It was then assumed that out of the imbalance and friction that followed the limited decisions then possible a new equilibrium would in due course emerge. That can no longer be assumed, and it is not assumed by the men at the top of each of the three dominant hierarchies. For given the scope of their consequences, decisions-and indecisions-in any one of these ramify into the others, and hence top decisions tend either to become coordinated or to lead to a commanding indecision. It has not always been like this. When numerous small entrepreneurs made up the economy, for example, many of them could fail and the consequences still remain local; political and military authorities did not intervene. But now, given political expectations and military commitments, can they afford to allow key units of the private corporate economy to break down in slump? Increasingly, they do intervene in economic affairs, and as they do so, the controlling decisions in each order are inspected by agents of the other two, and economic, military, and political structures are interlocked. At the pinnacle of each of the three enlarged and centralized domains, there have arisen those higher circles which make up the economic, the political, and the military elites. At the top of the economy, among the corporate rich, there are the chief executives; at the top of the political order, the members of the political directorate; at the top of the military establishment, the elite of soldier-statesmen clustered in and around the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the upper echelon. As each of these domains has coincided with the others, as decisions tend to become total in their consequence, the leading men in each of the three domains of power-the warlords, the corporation chieftains, the political directorate-tend-to come together, to form the power elite of America. *** The Power Elite by C. Wright Mills Oxford Press, 1956 In the standard image of power and decision, no force is held to be as important as The Great American Public. More than merely another check and balance, this public is thought to be the seat of all legitimate power. In official life as in popular folklore, it is held to be the very balance wheel of democratic power. In the end, all liberal theorists rest their notions of the power system upon the political role of this public; all official decisions, as well as private decisions of consequence, are justified as in the publics welfare; all formal proclamations are in its name. Let us therefore consider the classic public of democratic theory in the generous spirit in which Rousseau once cried, Opinion, Queen of the World, is not subject to the power of kings; they are themselves its first slaves. The most important feature of the public of opinion, which the rise of the democratic middle class initiates, is the free ebb and flow of discussion. The possibilities of answering back, of organizing autonomous organs of public opinion, of realizing opinion in action, are held to be established by democratic institutions. The opinion that results from public discussion is understood to be a resolution that is then carried out by public action; it is, in one version, the general will of the people, which the legislative organ enacts into law, thus lending to it legal force. Congress, or Parliament, as an institution, crowns all the scattered publics; it is the archetype for each of the little circles of face-to-face citizens discussing their public business. This eighteenth-century idea of the public of public opinion parallels the economic idea of the market of the free economy. Here is the market composed of freely competing entrepreneurs; there is the public composed of discussion circles of opinion peers. As price is the result of anonymous, equally weighted, bargaining individuals, so public opinion is the result of each mans having thought things out for himself and contributing his voice to the great chorus. To be sure, some might have more influence on the state of opinion than others, but no one group monopolizes the discussion, or by itself determines the opinions that prevail. Innumerable discussion circles are knit together by mobile people who carry opinions from one to another, and struggle for the power of larger command. The public is thus organized into associations and parties, each representing a set of viewpoints, each trying to acquire a place in the Congress, where the discussion continues. Out of the little circles of people talking with one another, the larger forces of social movements and political parties develop; and the discussion of opinion is the important phase in a total act by which public affairs are conducted. The autonomy of these discussions is an important element in the idea of public opinion as a democratic legitimation. The opinions formed are actively realized within the prevailing institutions of power; all authoritative agents are made or broken by the prevailing opinions of these publics. And, in so far as the public is frustrated in realizing its demands, its members may go beyond criticism of specific policies; they may question the very legitimations of legal authority. That is one meaning of Jeffersons comment on the need for an occasional revolution. The public, so conceived, is the loom of classic, eighteenth-century democracy; discussion is at once the threads and the shuttle, tying the discussion circles together. It lies at the root of the conception of authority by discussion, and it is based upon the hope that truth and justice will somehow come out of society as a great apparatus of free discussion. The people are presented with problems. They discuss them. They decide on them. They formulate viewpoints. These viewpoints are organized, and they compete. One viewpoint wins out. Then the people act out this view, or their representatives are instructed to act it out, and this they promptly do. Such are the images of the public of classic democracy which are still used as the working justifications of power in American society. But now we must recognize this description as a set of images out of a fairy tale: they are not adequate even as an approximate model of how the American system of power works. The issues that now shape mans fate are neither raised nor decided by the public at large. The idea of the community of publics is not a description of fact, but an assertion of an ideal, an assertion of a legitimation masquerading-as legitimations are now apt to do-as fact. For now the public of public opinion is recognized by all those who have considered it carefully as something less than it once was. These doubts are asserted positively in the statement that the classic community of publics is being transformed into a society of masses. This transformation, in fact, is one of the keys to the social and psychological meaning of modern life in America. I. In the democratic society of publics it was assumed, with John Locke, that the individual conscience was the ultimate seat of judgment and hence the final court of appeal. But this principle was challenged-as E. H. Carr has put it-when Rousseau for the first time thought in terms of the sovereignty of the whole people, and faced the issue of mass democracy. II. In the democratic society of publics it was assumed that among the individuals who composed it there was a natural and peaceful harmony of interests. But this essentially conservative doctrine gave way to the Utilitarian doctrine that such a harmony of interests had first to be created by reform before it could work, and later to the Marxian doctrine of class struggle, which surely was then, and certainly is now, closer to reality than any assumed harmony of interests. III. In the democratic society of publics it was assumed that before public action would be taken, there would be rational discussion between individuals which would determine the action and that, accordingly, the public opinion that resulted would be the infallible voice of reason. But this has been challenged not only ( 1 ) by the assumed need for experts to decide delicate and intricate issues, but (2) by the discovery-as by Freud-of the irrationality of the man in the street, and (3) by the discovery- as by Marx-of the socially conditioned nature of what was once assumed to be autonomous reason. IV. In the democratic society of publics it was assumed that after determining what is true and right and just, the public would act accordingly or see that its representatives did so. In the long run, public opinion will not only be right, but public opinion will prevail. This assumption has been upset by the great gap now existing between the underlying population and those who make decisions in its name, decisions of enormous consequence which the public often does not even know are being made until well after the fact. *** Public opinion exists when people who are not in the government of a country claim the right to express political opinions freely and publicly, and the right that these opinions should influence or determine the policies, personnel, and actions of their government. In this formal sense there has been and there is a definite public opinion in the United States. And yet, with modern developments this formal right-when it does still exist as a right -does not mean what it once did. The older world of voluntary organization was as different from the world of the mass organization, as was Tom Paines world of pamphleteering from the world of the mass media. Since the French Revolution, conservative thinkers have Viewed With Alarm the rise of the public, which they called the masses, or something to that effect. The populace is sovereign, and the tide of barbarism mounts, wrote Gustave Le Bon. The divine right of the masses is about to replace the divine right of kings, and already the destinies of nations are elaborated at present in the heart of the masses, and no longer in the councils of princes. During the twentieth century, liberal and even socialist thinkers have followed suit, with more explicit reference to what we have called the society of masses. From Le Bon to Emil Lederer and Ortega y Gasset, they have held that the influence of the mass in unfortunately increasing. But surely those who have supposed the masses to be all powerful, or at least well on their way to triumph, are wrong. In our time, as Chakhofin knew, the influence of autonomous collectivities within political life is in fact diminishing. Furthermore, such influence as they do have is guided; they must now be seen not as publics acting autonomously, but as masses manipulated at focal points into crowds of demonstrators. For as publics become masses, masses sometimes become crowds; and, in crowds, the psychical rape by the mass media is supplemented up-close by the harsh and sudden harangue. Then the people in the crowd disperse again-as atomized and submissive masses. In all modern societies, the autonomous associations standing between the various classes and the state tend to lose their effect as vehicles of reasoned opinion and instruments for the rational exertion of political will. Such associations can be deliberately broken up and thus turned into passive instruments of rule, or they can more slowly wither away from lack of use in the face of centralized means of power. But whether they are destroyed in a week or wither in a generation, such associations are replaced in virtually every sphere of life by centralized organizations, and it is such organizations with all their new means of power that take charge of the terrorized or-as the case may be-merely intimidated, society of masses. The institutional trends that make for a society of masses are to a considerable extent a matter of impersonal drift, but the remnants of the public are also exposed to more personal and intentional forces. With the broadening of the base of politics within the context of a folk-lore of democratic decision-making, and with the increased means of mass persuasion that are available, the public of public opinion has become the object of intensive efforts to control, manage, manipulate, and increasingly intimidate. In political, military, economic realms, power becomes, in varying degrees, uneasy before the suspected opinions of masses, and, accordingly, opinion-making becomes an accepted technique of power-holding and power-getting. The minority electorate of the propertied and the educated is replaced by the total suffrage-and intensive campaigns for the vote. The small eighteenth-century professional army is replaced by the mass army of conscripts-and by the problems of nationalist morale. The small shop is replaced by the mass-production industry-and the national advertisement. As the scale of institutions has become larger and more centralized, so has the range and intensity of the opinion-makers efforts. The means of opinion-making, in fact, have paralleled in range and efficiency the other institutions of greater scale that cradle the modern society of masses. Accordingly, in addition to their enlarged and centralized means of administration, exploitation, and violence, the modern elite have had placed within their grasp historically unique instruments of psychic management and manipulation, which include universal compulsory education as well as the media of mass communication. Early observers believed that the increase in the range and volume of the formal means of communication would enlarge and animate the primary public. In such optimistic views-written before radio and television and movies-the formal media are understood as simply multiplying the scope and pace of personal discussion. Modern conditions, Charles Cooley wrote, enlarge indefinitely the competition of ideas, and whatever has owed its persistence merely to lack of comparison is likely to go, for that which is really congenial to the choosing mind will be all the more cherished and increased. Still excited by the break-up of the conventional consensus of the local community, he saw the new means of communication as furthering the conversational dynamic of classic democracy, and with it the growth of rational and free individuality. No one really knows all the functions of the mass media, for in their entirety these functions are probably so pervasive and so subtle that they cannot be caught by the means of social research now available. But we do now have reason to believe that these media have helped less to enlarge and animate the discussions of primary publics than to transform them into a set of media markets in mass-like society. *** In their attempts to neutralize or to turn to their own use the articulate public, the opinion-makers try to make it a relay network for their views. If the opinion-makers have so much power that they can act directly and openly upon the primary publics, they may become authoritative; but, if they do not have such power and hence have to operate indirectly and without visibility, they will assume the stance of manipulators. Authority is power that is explicit and more or less voluntarily obeyed; manipulation is the secret exercise of power, unknown to those who are influenced. In the model of the classic democratic society, manipulation is not a problem, because formal authority resides in the public itself and in its representatives who are made or broken by the public. In the completely authoritarian society, manipulation is not a problem, because authority is openly identified with the ruling institutions and their agents, who may use authority explicitly and nakedly. They do not, in the extreme case, have to gain or retain power by hiding its exercise. Manipulation becomes a problem wherever men have power that is concentrated and willful but do not have authority, or when, for any reason, they do not wish to use their power openly. Then the powerful seek to rule without showing their powerfulness. They want to rule, as it were, secretly, without publicized legitimation. It is in this mixed case-as in the intermediate reality of the American today-that manipulation is a prime way of exercising power. Small circles of men are making decisions which they need to have at least authorized by indifferent or recalcitrant people over whom they do not exercise explicit authority. So the small circle tries to manipulate these people into willing acceptance or cheerful support of their decisions or opinions-or at least to the rejection of possible counter-opinions. Authority formally resides in the people, but power is in fact held by small circles of men. That is why the standard strategy of manipulation is to make it appear that the people, or at least a large group of them, really made the decision. That is why even when the authority is available, men with access to it may still prefer the secret, quieter ways of manipulation. But are not the people now more educated? Why not emphasize the spread of education rather than the increased effects of the mass media? The answer, in brief, is that mass education, in many respects, has become-another mass medium. The prime task of public education, as it came widely to be understood in this country, was political: to make the citizen more knowledgeable and thus better able to think and to judge of public affairs. In time, the function of education shifted from the political to the economic: to train people for better-paying jobs and thus to get ahead. This is especially true of the high-school movement, which has met the business demands for white-collar skills at the publics expense. In large part education has become merely vocational; in so far as its political task is concerned, in many schools, that has been reduced to a routine training of nationalist loyalties. The training of skills that are of more or less direct use in the vocational life is an important task to perform, but ought not to be mistaken for liberal education: job advancement, no matter on what levels, is not the same as self-development, although the two are now systematically confused. Among skills, some are more and some are less relevant to the aims of liberal-that is to say, ]liberating-education. Skills and values cannot be so easily separated as the academic search for supposedly neutral skills causes us to assume. And especially not when we speak seriously of liberal education. Of course, there is a scale, with skills at one end and values at the other, but it is the middle range of this scale, which one might call sensibilities, that are of most relevance to the classic public. To train someone to operate a lathe or to read and write is pretty much education of skill; to evoke from people an understanding of what they really want out of their lives or to debate with them stoic, Christian and humanist ways of living, is pretty much a clear-cut education of values. But to assist in the birth among a group of people of those cultural and political and technical sensibilities which would make them genuine members of a genuinely liberal public, this is at once a training in skills and an education of values. It includes a sort of therapy in the ancient sense of clarifying ones knowledge of ones self; it includes the imparting of all those skills of controversy with ones self, which we call thinking; and with others, which we call debate. And the end product of such liberal education of sensibilities is simply the self-educating, self-cultivating man or woman. The knowledgeable man in the genuine public is able to turn his personal troubles into social issues, to see their relevance for his community and his communitys relevance for them. He understands that what he thinks and feels as personal troubles are very often not only that but problems shared by others and indeed not subject to solution by any one individual but only by modifications of the structure of the groups in which he lives and sometimes the structure of the entire society. Men in masses are gripped by personal troubles, but they are not aware of their true meaning and source. Men in public confront issues, and they are aware of their terms. It is the task of the liberal institution, as of the liberally educated man, continually to translate troubles into issues and issues into the terms of their human meaning for the individual. In the absence of deep and wide